IMF Lowers Global Growth Forecast to 3.1%

By Salva Kiir Mayardit – – Sunday, viagra buy October 11, 2015

Just five years ago, as dawn unfolded on January 9, 2011, millions of South Sudanese took the final steps on our seventy-year journey to independence.

By barge and bus, on animal and foot, we came from the four corners of our homeland and beyond to stand in long lines under a hard sun so that our voices would be heard.

And when the polling centers closed, the world did hear us. It heard our shouts of joy; it heard our thankful songs and quiet prayers. Above all, it heard the promise of an end to the crack of rifle and of the cry of mourning.

Our bloody, terrifying struggle with the Sudanese regime in Khartoum had come mercifully to an end.

Nation building

Now, however, came the difficult work of building our nation.

We knew instinctively that a nation was more than a border and a government, because for 70 years we had been shackled to something that was nothing more than a border and a government.


In our own country, we said, our government would act for us and not against. Never again could an official or favored group simply take from us on a whim. And never again would any of us be treated as lesser than any other.

It was our friends in the international community who helped shape those feelings into words. “Accountable, representative institutions;” “the Rule of Law;” “inalienable and equitable rights” – for many in South Sudan, the institutional vocabulary was new.

But we all had known their meanings by their absence.

Five years later, we see how hollow those words can be in the outside world.

I recently signed an internationally brokered peace accord to end an insurrection against my government that has plagued us for almost half of our young nation’s life.

I did not accede to this deal because it is perfect—indeed, the plan undermines the sovereignty and democratic institutions of our nation in key, unfortunate ways.

Most obviously, by installing representatives of breakaway factions in positions of equal power, it rewards insurrection and violence over persuasion and democracy—thereby conferring equal status on an elected representative government and a rebel faction, and cementing tribal and ethnic divisions that have kept too many nations from realizing peace or their full potential.


Then, too, there is the supra-national Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission, to be headed by a foreigner and with absolute veto power over the decisions of the government—even if the parties forming the governing coalition are in agreement.

And with the ordered demilitarization of the capital city Juba and our state capitals, South Sudan’s territorial integrity is discarded – a risk made worse given our internal issues.

Of course we – the elected government – voiced our objections. We were told, however, to keep quiet.

From distant capitals came demands that we shred our constitution and the safeguards for the South Sudanese enshrined within it; that we disregard our popular elections and dismantle our representative bodies; that we replace rule of law with political expediency; that we adopt complex formulations of ethnic distribution amongst our elected and appointed leaders, and across our agencies.

Some of our international partners in peace even turned to threats and intimidations, both in public and private – sanctions, the withdrawal of aid and support, referrals to the International Criminal Court. The tools of democracy, prosperity and justice, now are used to bludgeon those same principles.

Some purported exporters of democratic reform seem to have forgotten that, in republics, changes of government are pursued peacefully and within the laws and structures of civil society – not by outside coercion or force. Or perhaps the mindset of inequality is not as dead as we had hoped.

Despite our misgivings, last month I committed our people, their nation and their government to the Compromise Peace Agreement. But let my reasons be clear: I did not sign the accord because of threats or intimidations.

I signed because leadership is the art of the possible and choosing between difficult, imperfect options. I signed because a government must lead.

And as flawed and troubling as this agreement is, it may bring about the peacewe need in advance of our 2018 elections. Then our people will speak again.

Of course, implementing this agreement will face challenges and aspects will simply prove untenable. Our disagreements, after all, are very real, and the accord is that flawed.

And when those challenges and flaws come, will the foreigners remember they themselves were the authors and architects of them? My hope is that we – the government, our former opposition, our people, and of course the international community – will tackle them together, collegially.

Peace will not be easy. It will take patience, compromise, and understanding. It will take resolve, determination and restraint.

Now we must be a people who prize nationhood over narrow-mindedness; a people who know each other as countrymen and not by tribe or creed.

We are a people who, for generations, have only known war. But together the South Sudanese can work miracles. Our nation’s very existence shows it has happened before.

Foreign governments and unelected bodies will never revere the South Sudanese vote as we do because they did not sanctify it with their blood. They cannot treasure our sovereignty as we do because they did not suffer to establish.

They will not cherish our freedom as we do because they did not taste our oppression. And they will not yearn for our future as we do because it is not their children and grandchildren who will inherit what too many sons and daughters died to create.

The words used so often in the marbled halls of long-established capitals still mean something to us. Perhaps that can be our gift of thanks to these partners: That the world’s youngest nation serves to reaffirm the vocabulary of democracy – and it’s meaning – throughout the world.

But first, we must be allowed to do so.

Mr. Kiir is the elected President of South Sudan.
East African neighbors Kenya and Tanzania have successfully joined Uganda and Rwanda in the next step of 2018 Russia world cup qualifying rounds after overcoming their respective opponents in aggregate results.

Kenya 0-0 Mauritius (agg 5-2)
Bobby Williamson’s charges failed to replicate their stunning five-star performance that saw them crush Mauritius 5-2 in Port Louis in the first leg this time firing blanks in front of their home crowd.

The stars who were held to a barren draw will now proceed to the next round with Cape Verde’s litmus test awaiting in just less than three weeks. The winner of the tie will enter draws for the group stages.

Malawi 1-0 Tanzania(agg 1-2)
John Banda struck with three minutes to the break to give Malawi an early first half lead in a tense match that was played at the Kamuzu stadium.

Banda’s lone strike was however insufficient to eliminate the Swahili nation who went through courtesy of a better aggregate from an outstanding first leg 2-0 home win.

TP Mazembe duo of Mbwana Samatta and Thomas Ulimwengu scored the goals. Tanzania will face off with Africa’s top ranked country, try   Algeria in the next round.

Elsewhere, sale goals from Deng Ramkel Lok, Gatoch Panom and Dawit Fikadu ensured Ethiopia’s progress as they thrashed minnows Sao Tome by three unanswered goals. Sao Tome had earlier on stunned Ethiopia with a 1-0 win away.

Uganda Cranes joins the qualifiers at this stage with a clash against Togo. First and second rounds will be played from November 9th to 17th.
The International Monetary Fund has cut its global outlook for the economy for the second time this year.

According to IMF’s latest World Economic Outlook (WEO) report, this site Global growth for 2015 is projected at 3.1 percent, this down 0.2 percentage points from its July forecast for 3.3 percent growth.

The downgrade comes as commodity prices fall and concerns grow about the slowdown in China’s economy.

The fund explains that the impact of global economic slowdown is affecting countries in form of slower economic growth, site low commodity prices in the international market, low capital inflows and out flow of capital especially in low income developing countries.

In its report, IMF said that global growth remained uneven with developed economies and emerging markets facing diverging outlooks.

“As such, downside risks to the world economy appear more pronounced than they did just a few months ago,” it added.

IMF reveals that relative to last year, the recovery in advanced economies is expected to pick up slightly, while activity in emerging market and developing economies is projected to slow for the fifth year in a row, primarily reflecting weaker prospects for some large emerging market economies and oil-exporting countries.

The report warned that the revised global growth forecasts underscore the challenges all countries face although it singled out emerging economies as those facing both medium- and long-term common forces.

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